THE QUESTION regarding the literary unity of
1 Thessalonians and the authenticity of its individual components
has revived again in German exegesis. But it has not yet become a
subject of debate. This has its basis in the fact that the first attempt
to throw open this question anew, undertaken by K. G. Eckart,1
following a singular impetus by Ernst Fuchs, was immediately subjected
to a decisive criticism by W. G. Kümmel.2
To be sure, Kümmel had an easy victory against the frightful deficiencies
of Eckart's methodology, which led Kümmel to the fallacious conclusion
that the refutation of Eckart's work could establish that there exist
"no serious grounds against the assumption that 1 Thessalonians
in its received form derives from Paul."3
Even an overview of the history of research should have warned against
this fallacious conclusion. For from the very beginning, the fact
that the authenticity of the entire letter, or its individual parts,
and the question of its literary unity has been raised again and again
by very different scholars with very different grounds must be regarded
as an indication that the investigation of this letter is faced with
a series of still unsatisfactorily resolved problems. The stimulating
and instructive methodological criticism of previous investigations
of this question will not be set forth here. Nor is this contribution
interested in working through all previously advanced observations
(hence, references to related literature are reduced). The intention
is rather to awaken a debate that should no longer be postponed. In
the meantime, however, W. Schmithals has proposed a solution to the
problem,4
convincing because of its deceptive simplicity, whose challenge cannot
be avoided by research.
An essential element of the analyses by Eckart and Schmithals is
the claim that 1 Thess 3:11-13 (Eckart), or 3:10-4:1 (Schmithals),
constitutes an epistolary conclusion. Eckart gives no ground for this
claim,5
while Schmithals attempts to support his initial argument for this
thesis through a detailed overview of the conclusions of the Pauline
writings ("Situation," 93-95). Whoever shares with Schmithals
the intention of a literary-critical analysis must nevertheless sharply
criticize his manipulation of the material.6
This is where I begin.
1. Are Two Epistolary Conclusions Present in 3:11-4:1
and 5:23-28?
NO ONE would doubt that 5:23-28 is an epistolary
conclusion. And a comparison of 5:23-28 with 3:11-13 could in fact
mislead one to assume that in the latter case as well we have an epistolary
conclusion. To confirm that assumption Schmithals claims that, for
all the variations, an "underlying structure can easily be recognized
for all conclusions" ("Situation," 94). The transition
is "usually" constituted with personal remarks; the conclusion
is "often" introduced with a passage that "joins"
the intercessory prayer (Fürbitte) and doxology. "Then
a final exhortation regularly follows," and then
brief greetings and a concluding request for blessing (my emphases).
An attentive study of the table provided by Schmithals containing
the received, or reconstructed, conclusions of the Pauline letters,
however, shows:
1.1 A "passage" that "joins the
prayer and doxology" is found nowhere in the conclusions of the
Pauline writings. In Phil 4:20 the doxology follows an assurance
of blessing (Segenszuspruch), or more precisely, an assurance
(Zuspruch) of an act of God (4:19 future, not optative; not
a sentence structure in the sense of an intercessory prayer, see below).
So also 2 Tim 4:18 (that Schmithals lists this verse under prayers
is characteristic) and 1 Pet 5:10. Only in Heb 13:21 is a doxology
attached to an intercessory prayerful request (fürbittenden
Gebetswunsch);7
but significantly, this attachment is mediated through a predication
concerning God (Heb 13:21b). This can be compared with 1 Thess 5:23,
24, where a prayerful request is followed by a predication concerning
God, on which, stylistically, a doxology could be attached. From this
follows the observation:
1.2 Among the Pauline letters only the Thessalonian
letters contain an intercessory prayerful request (1 Th 5:23; 2 Th
3:16). They do not exhibit this prayerful request, however, in its
full structure. Where this is fully present a work of God is referred
to in the optative and the purpose of the request is indicated with
eis to or hina. This structure is present in 1 Th 3:12f;
Rom 15:5f; 15:13 (and Heb 13:20, 21a). That this structure can be
characterized as an intercessory prayerful request is shown by the
conclusion of the proemium in Phil (1:9-11) and 1 Cor (1:8). 1 Th
3:12f thus closely resembles a proemium conclusion, so that it must
be compared with this.8
Since 1 Thess 5:23 does not exhibit the complete structure of the
intercessory prayerful request (so also 2 Th 3:16; 2:17; 3:5), this
passage clearly differs from 1 Thess 3:12-13 and stands with remarkable
particularity beside the assurances of blessing in the Pauline conclusions,
in so far as these implicitly or explicitly (Phil 4:7, 9; Rom 16:20;
2 Cor 13:11) refer to God's work in the future indicative.
Now, however, let us undertake a further examination of the supposed
"structure" of the Pauline conclusions.
1.3 Against Schmithals' contention that an "intercessory
prayer and doxology" is "regularly followed by a final exhortation,"
it must be said, on the basis of the materials Schmithals provides,
that in the Pauline letters a final exhortation never follows
an assurance of blessing9
or a doxology. Either one or the other is missing, so that the sequence
that everything depends on, if one would be able to speak of an underlying
"structure," or even a "typical order" (Schmithals,
"Brief," 298), cannot be documented. An exception
is present only in Hebrews 13:22-23—for Schmithals's listing of 1
Pet 5:12 and 1 Thess 5:25 as also final exhortations belongs to the
manipulation of materials that will be exhibited here. Nevertheless,
it should be granted that these passages most nearly resemble Schmithals's
"structure." This leads to the observation that the "structure"
presupposed by Schmithals is only fully present in Heb 13:18-25, and
almost fully present in 1 Pet 5:10-14. This order comes near to 1
Thess 5:23-28. One could therefore speak at most of a structure that
develops, but not of an underlying structure. There is no such thing
for the conclusions of the Pauline letters. With this collapse all
the arguments which Schmithals derives from such a structure to ground
the claim that 1 Thess 3:11-4:1 is a conclusion.
There remain the "typical formulations" identified by Schmithals
for the epistolary conclusions ("Situation," 95).
1.4 The language "God of peace" is found only
in conclusions. It is missing, however, in 1 Thess 3:11 (as in 2 Th
2:17 and 3:5), but is found in 1 Thess 5:23 (as in 2 Th 3:16), which
clearly speaks against the claim that two conclusions are present.
1.5 It is misleading when Schmithals identifies the
phrase autos de ho Theos as a "formula reserved by Paul
for epistolary conclusions" ("Situation," 95; see n.
24). On the contrary, as Schmithals himself must finally confirm,10
this formula is in fact found only in the Thessalonian letters,
namely, 1 Thess 3:11; 5:23; 2 Thess 2:16; 3:16 (in the two last passages,
however, autos de ho kurios11).
1.6 Appeals for prayer appear often in conclusions of
letters. That is shown by 1 Thess 5:23-28 as an epistolary conclusion,
but not by 3:11-4:1 (2 Th 3:1, however, differs).
1.7 The phrase loipon ktl. still remains ("Situation,"
145). This phrase in fact indicates that the writer has completed
what is most important and wants to conclude; but it cannot be regarded
as a component of a conclusion. Since lengthy discussions still follow,
this must be demonstrated in the interpretation, e.g., through literary-critical
operations.12
1.8 On this basis, the question can be answered: In 1 Thess
only one epistolary conclusion is present, in 5:23-28. In 4:1
it can be seen that the writer has completed what is most important
for him and wants to conclude. From this perspective, the theologically
significant explications in 4:13-5:11 seem out of place. We will not
further pursue this problem right now. Instead, we will follow another
trail.
2. Observations Concerning the Use of Language in
1 Thessalonians
IN VIEW of the energy that has already been
devoted to word statistics without real results, it seems senseless
to take up this question anew. But Kümmel explicitly criticized Eckart
for not providing a linguistic investigation for the passages he declared
to be "inauthentic."13
Kümmel himself then shared his own observations regarding the use
of language in the incriminated passages.14
We will deal with this question for 1 Thess 3:12-13 and 5:23-24 because
under 1.2 and 1.3 (above) instances came into view which gave 1 Thess
a special place over against the other Pauline letters.
2.1 The use of the term parousia in 3:13 and
5:23 is remarkable. It is already remarkable in itself that apart
from the Thessalonian letters Paul employs parousia only once
in a christological sense (1 Cor 15:23; he employs it six times with
reference to himself, or his coworkers: 1 Cor 16:17; 2 Cor 7:6, 7;
10:10; Phil 1:26; 2:12), in contrast to four times in 1 Thess (2:19;
3:13; 4:15; 5:23) and three times in 2 Thess (2:1,8,9). This matter
assumes special importance, however, in that the expression in 1 Thess
3:13 and 5:23 appears precisely in the context where in Phil 1:6,10
and 1 Cor 1:8 Paul employs hêmera. A comparison of the essentially
parallel passages 1 Thess 2:19 with 2 Cor 1:14 and Phil 2:16 shows
this variation to be consistent.
2.2 A second, less obvious but still noteworthy point
should be immediately added. In 1 Thess 3:13; 2:19 the phrase emprosthen
tou Theou, or tou kuriou ktl. must attract attention. Apart
from the Thessalonian letters Paul employs emprosthen in a
local sense two times, and indeed both times in a forensic context:
2 Cor 5:10 and Gal 2:14; and our Thessalonian passages would cohere
with this. Otherwise, however, Paul regularly employs enôpion tou
Theou (or tou kuriou): Rom 3:20; 14:22; 1 Cor 1:29; 2 Cor
4:2; 7:12; 8:21; Gal 1:20 (seven times; and in addition with reference
to human beings: Rom 12:17 and 2 Cor 8:21). Taking 1 Thess 1:3 and
3:9 also in account, in 3:13 and 2:19 we encounter the word (emprosthen)
in a context in which for Paul one would certainly expect enôpion.
In addition, the phrase enôpion tou Theou (tou kuriou)
may be regarded as a biblical formula (see BDF, § 214.5).
2.3 Why does Paul diverge in both cases from his otherwise
usual language? The following possibilities should be considered:
2.3.1 One possibility would be that these linguistic
variations reflect the temporal interval between the Thessalonian
letters and the other Pauline letters. This would then exclude the
possibility of a late dating for Paul's correspondence with the community
in Thessalonica.15
Measured in terms of the Christian biography of Paul, the brief temporal
interval until the following letters of Paul allows this argument
to seem commendable only if a development in ideas and content can
also be demonstrated between 1 Thess and the letters that follow.
2.3.2 A second possibility would be that the variations
in language reflect the influence of Paul's situation or that of his
addressees. Paul could avoid the biblical formulations hêmera kuriou
and enôpion tou Theou (kuriou) and intentionally express
himself in "Greek" because he took into account the gentile-Christian
character of the community. To be sure, "scripture" is as
little explicitly cited here as in Philippians. But this information
cannot satisfactorily explain the facts. For in 1 Thess 5:1ff. Paul
emphatically employs the expression hêmera and presupposes
that the recipients have been precisely entrusted with this tradition
(5:2). Moreover, the assumption of a use of language specifically
attuned to the addressees is unconvincing because the passage in question
is not specifically formulated, but rather liturgical in character.16
2.3.3 The third possibility is that the writer of the
letter participated in the composition by independently elaborating
an obscure point made by Paul. One would only grant this possible
explanation, easily a misconceived subterfuge, if the variation in
language indicated no deeper variation in ideas, since then the issues
in 2.3.1 (above) and 2.3.4 (below) would come into question.
2.3.4 The fourth possibility would be that the variation
in language indicates a different author than Paul. This explanation
first becomes possible when the indicated linguistic variations can
be associated with an interconnected array of further variations which
themselves reflect a variation on the level of ideas and content.
Moreover, one would approach this possibility only with great hesitation
because the situational relatedness of 2:17ff and the concrete specificity
of at least 5:1-11 should not too quickly be declared as fictional—whereby,
to be sure, the possibility should be considered that the letter contains
"authentic" and "inauthentic" pieces. But this
can first be discussed only if an essential theological variation
appears behind the linguistic variation. And then one must still decide
whether we actually have to do here with a different author, or only
with a temporal interval between 1 Thess and the other Pauline writings
(2.3.1).
2.4 In spite of the small basis for a starting point,
I have presented these different possibilities in detail so as not
to be constrained in the continuation of the investigation. Now
I will deal with the previous observations from the perspective of
ideas and content.
2.4.1 I begin with 1 Thess 3:12. To the statement
that the Lord may strengthen the hearts of the Thessalonians through
the increase of mutual love, so that they might be unblamable in holiness
before God our Father, the formula is appended: "at the
parousia of our Lord Jesus with all his saints." Missing here
is a clear connection between the emplored and desired work of God
and the final judgment. In 1 Cor 1:8, which is comparable with regard
to content, the term eôs telos and the repetition of the verb
begaioun (cf. v. 7) clearly accentuates the extension of the
beginning of the salvation work of God that has taken place for the
faithful to the fulfillment of this work "in the day of our Lord
Jesus." Phil 1:6 then expresses this thought directly, so the
request in Phil 1:10, that can be compared with our passage, is for
a pure and blameless existence until (eis) the day of
Christ. That is, in the proemium in 1 Cor and Phil can be seen a connection
between the aorist indicative of the saving work of God for the faithful,
that grants them an eschatological existence oriented on the day of
Christ, and the fulfillment. In 1 Thess 3:12f, however, there is no
sign of this connection.
2.4.2 The same can be shown for 5:23. The en
tê parousia is hardly tolerable because of the placement of têrêtheiê
afterward; but precisely because of this placement of the verb the
phrase cannot be explained simply as an appended formula. The explanation
given by Dibelius, in contradiction with his translation, that "en
parousia = the classical eis tên parousian," can only
be regarded as an evasion. For en in place of eis in
a temporal sense appears nowhere in the letters of Paul, and the general
development brings eis in the place of en. The exegetical
dilemma is shown very well by B. Rigaux: "C'est donc moins d'une
conservation sans blâme au jour de jugement que d'une vie sans reproche,
conservant l'integrité du composé, qui apparaîtra telle au jour de
jugement."17
But the text desires precisely a total sanctification and a total
preservation of spirit and soul and body at the parousia. Nothing
is said here about an arrabôn of the spirit that might be preserved
by God until then. There is no reaching back to an aorist of the eschatological
work of God for the faithful. The decisive work of God, or the Lord,
is expected at the parousia.
That is: In their basic structure of thought these passages are
found to be entirely in line with the formula in 1:9f., which is generally
regarded as pre-Pauline. The decisive salvation work of the Son
is expected at the parousia as salvation from the coming judgment.
The eschatological "already" of the salvation work of God
for the faithful is unknown.
Before I pursue this thinking further in the letter, it should again
be noted that 5:1-11, however, unfolds the "already" of
the eschatological existence of the faithful very precisely. Just
as we observed from a linguistic perspective (hêmera — parousia),
evident here also is a tension between at least 5:1-11 and other sections
of the letter. After I have shown how the structure of 1:9f is reflected
in the passages under consideration, it should immediately be observed
also that, in contrast to 1:9f, in 5:9f the death of Jesus has salvation
significance, and otherwise is mentioned only in 4:14. That underlines
the special character of 5:1-11, which according to 5:10 is connected
with 4:13-18. Thereby the situation identified above (under 1.8),
that according to 4:1 the writer has previously related what is most
important for him, in relation to which, of course, 4:13-5:11 stands
in tension, receives a new illumination.
First of all, however, the determination that the eschatological
"already" of the salvation work of God for the faithful
is unknown in other sections of the letter must be considered further.
Has this thinking led to further differences in the use of language
when compared with the other Pauline letters?
2.5 In the passages previously examined words belonging
to the meaning-field of "holy" played a role. The Lord comes
at the parousia with all his holy ones (3:13). If one associates 4:13-18
with the same letter, that can only be the angels; but even apart
from this that is the most probable interpretation. When in the same
context establishing of hearts unblamable in holiness is prayed for,
holiness can be understood as an attribute of the heavenly world of
God, into which one enters at the parousia. That in 5:23 total sanctification
at the parousia is prayed for corresponds with this. Which work of
sanctification finds fulfillment there through God? The work of sanctification
to which God called them (4:7,3,4).18
In this sanctification the service to the true and living God is fulfilled
(1:9), who on this way to holiness gives his spirit (4:8).
The use of the word-field "holy" shows, however, that there
is nothing to be seen here concerning an eschatological aorist of
the work of God. In 4:8 that idea has been inserted in many manuscripts.
The distance from the other Pauline letters is confirmed, and the
basis for a further linguistic difference is also evident: the recipients
are not referred to in the address as hagioi (as Phil 1:1),
sanctified (as 1 Cor 1:2), or as klêtoi hagioi (as Rom 1:6f.;
1 Cor 1:2, 24), but receive the—in view of the other Pauline letters
(see however Rom 1:7)—surprising salutation "brethren beloved
by God" (1:4), in agreement with 2 Thess 2:13. This difference
in salutation and address reflects an essential difference in theological
sphere. A salvation work of God for the faithful that has already
taken place does not come into view (in contrast to 1 Cor 6:11; Rom
15:16; cf. 1 Cor 7:14). The holy spirit is not conceived as a gift
of the endtime, which is given to the faithful (as in Rom 5:5; 2 Cor
1:22; 5:5; Rom 8:23), but is portrayed rather as a power with which
God supports the work of sanctification among the faithful (4:8).
In this framework the so-called trichotomy in 5:23 clearly fits very
well. A different understanding of the spirit is evident only in 5:19
and, without a pertinent word being present, in 4:9.
2.6 A similar difference is evident also in words relating
to the word-field "call." One would like to look for the
indicative aorist of God's work in 5:24. But precisely there it is
missing—which is no longer surprising for us. It is so surprising
for Dibelius, however, that he casually inserts the aroist in his
translation.19
In fact, one would like to challenge him, when one, for example, compares
the verses of a similar form in 1 Cor 1:9 or Gal 1:6; 5:13; 1:15.
In Gal 5:8 Paul employs the present tense,20
but doubtless as a conscious variation because he sets the renewed
call of God over against the persuasion of the opponents.
Just as the aorist is absent in 5:24, so also in 2:12, where it would
be expected in light of the Pauline passages previously referred to.
While Dibelius again inserts a past significance in his translation,
Rigaux discusses this present participle in detail. His tortuous argument
presupposes that the aorist or the perfect would properly be expected.
His explanation: "Dans les actions divines, ou ne peut guère
distinguer alui, qui a appelé et celui, qui continue à noud sppeler,"21
as correct as it may be as a fundamental theological statement, represents
in this context a flight into theological contemplation, where linguistic
matters should be clarified. The aorist is present in 4:7. But it
is now time to raise the question concerning the meaning of the word
kalein in 1 Thess. It does not have here the meaning of the
performative "call," not therefore the justifying action
creating a new relationship that is the call of God itself, but signifies
here simply God's call, which must be followed in true service, in
holiness. — If this description of the understanding of kalein
in 1 Thess is correct, it must also be evident in the understanding
of the Word. I will turn to this in the next section of my article.
It should also be noted that this investigation explains why the
klêsis is not mentioned in 1:4, so that in this passage eklogê,
a surprising term for the Pauline letters, can be employed.22
2.7 Summary:
2.7.1 The investigation of language disclosed an interrelationship
of linguistic usage differing from the other Pauline writings. Each
individual observation taken by itself can be more or less qualified.
A refutation, however, must contest the interrelationship as such.
2.7.2 Behind the difference in the way language is used
appears a distance from the other Pauline letters in thinking in theology.
Thereby possibilities 2.3.2 and 2.3.3 are excluded. Either the sections
of 1 Thess discussed represent an early stage of Pauline theology
(2.3.1) or they derive from a different author (2.3.4). If one thinks
in terms of an early stage, one is then able, as indicated, to determine
more precisely the theology of this early stage. In this case, however,
there then exists a qualitative leap between this letter and
those that follow: only after this letter does the understanding of
Christian existence from an eschatological determination fully break
through.23
This breakthrough would relate to the understanding of the spirit
and (as will be further developed) the understanding of the Word.
Those sections of the letter standing in tension with the disclosed
interrelationship of ideas (4:9,10a; 4:13-5:11; 5:19 with context)
would then be the documents in which this breakthrough makes itself
known. If one accepts this explanation, the often observed affinities
in language and content between 1 Thess and Acts would then be taken
as an indication that in Acts the traditions are reflected from which
Paul gradually grew by accretion to become the Paul who was received
in the history of theology. In principle, therefore, any conclusions
regarding the content of his "call" derived from the "major"
Pauline letters would be called into question.
2.7.3 If one attributes the letter to a different author
because of the circumstances described, given the tensions in content
that have become clear, one must then distinguish between "authentic"
and "inauthentic" sections. With regard to its composition,
we would have to do then with a post-apostolic reworking and elaboration
of an authentic letter of Paul. The affinities with Acts would then
be an indication of the tradition stream in which this reworking is
located.
2.7.4 It is clear that a sufficiently certain decision
between the two possibilities would require an entire series of investigations.
The following suggestions are intended to prepare the way for a decision
whether the letter documents "the way in which the Pauline language
emerged from the language of the early Christian community,"24
or whether in the form it now lies before us it should be regarded
as post-apostolic.
3. The Relationship of Word and Faith in 1 Thessalonians
IF ONE considers this investigation in view
of such a small textual basis, the risk of over-interpretation is
especially great. Given the preceding observations, however, the other
Pauline letters must be excluded on methodological grounds as resources
for interpretation, especially in the case that 1 Thess represents
an early stage of Pauline thinking.
That the interrogation of the text is by no means inappropriate is
shown by the parallelism between 1:5f and 2:13f. Both passages connect
the "reception" of preaching25
with the idea of imitation in a remarkable way.26
This not only justifies the question about how word and faith are
related but makes this question mandatory.
3.1 I begin with 1:5-10. At first, the statement
that "our gospel... happened" (egenêthê) seems
to ascribe a "certain inherent efficacy"27
to the gospel. This conception cannot be derived, of course, from
the numerous forms of the aorist passive of gignomai in the
passage.28
Above all, however, the formulation that the gospel took place not
only with word but also with power etc. shows that power
is not intrinsic to the gospel as word. From the other
Pauline letters one would expect a simple "not... but" (see
1 Cor 2:4; 4:19f.).29
The formulation here is only possible because the word of the gospel
itself is not understood as the active and powerful word of God by
virtue of what is says, as is the
case in Rom 1:16f.; 1 Cor 1:18f. (cf. 2 Cor 2:16; 4:3f.). The
power of the gospel is not activated in the content it communicates,
but, as the continuation shows, in the manner and mode of the appearance
and conduct of the apostle—which is then elaborated in detail in 2:1-12.
This is confirmed by the continuation. In the manner of the word's
reception, v. 6 sees the appearance and conduct of the apostle as
an exemplar. One must now ask how the content of the gospel can be
conceived in this context. The answer can only be that the content
of the gospel is understood primarily as the conduct of the
apostle and the faithful. That this interpretation is valid is shown
by the sequence of vv. 7 and 8. For their part, the Thessalonians
become an example for the faithful in Macedonia and Achaia, for the
word of the Lord (with this meaning unique for Paul!) has gone out
from them, and this word is nothing else than the faith of the Thessalonians.
What needs to be said (v 8c) consists of nothing else than the manner
and mode of the appearance of the apostle, and the manner and mode
of the conversion, the service, and the expectation of the Thessalonians
(1:9f.).
3.1.1 The understanding of preaching just described
makes the structure of the letter, as it now stands, understandable.
F. C. Baur was offended by the fact that the letter contains no theological-dogmatic
theme. This circumstance derives from the fact that the gospel is
not understood as a word that is active in the power of what
it has to say. More important than the content of the proclamation
is the manner of conduct (2:9f.), indeed precisely this is the essential
content of the proclamation, as 2:11f. shows. Therefore the
writer moves from the presentation of the apostle's conduct and that
of the community directly to exhortation (4:1ff.). Therefore
the teaching-like pieces 4:13-18 and 5:1-11 stand in the exhortations.
Exhortation is the content of the gospel.
The investigation of language showed that for the most part the letter
does not know the aorist of the work of God, that should determine
the content of the gospel. That this is not the case clearly shows
a consistent way of thinking.
3.1.2 The understanding of proclamation is also reflected
in the fact that at times its source (God, the Lord, the apostle)
is indicated, but its content only in 3:3. In the given understanding
the authority of the word must be decisive. This is sharply
emphasized then in 4:8 (cf. Lk 10:16). This accords with the emphasis
in 4:18: the Thessalonians should exhort one another with these
words (4:13ff.).30
This emphasis is also present in 2:13f. and 3:3f. All this is consistent
when the proclamation is understood as exhortation and example for
sanctification.31
3.1.3 The interest for demonstrable faithful conduct
also explains the peculiar ordering of the apostle before the Lord
in 1:6a, the sharing of the apostle's "soul" before the
sharing of the gospel in 2:8, and the witness of the community before
the witness of God in 2:10a. While any one of these passages, seen
by itself, might be regarded as a reflection of an "early"
Paul,32
viewed together these passages require a more fundamental explanation,
precisely from the understanding of the gospel.
3.2 I turn now to 2:13ff, where the understanding
of faith and suffering will be discussed in more detail.
3.2.1 In 2:13ff the combination of paralambanein
and dechesthai is remarkable. It is improbable that the words
are employed as synonyms. Since dechesthai refers to the acceptance
of the speech of the apostle as the word of God, the verb contains
the element of decision and affirmation. The verb paralambanein
would then refer merely to the reception of knowledge.33
The distinction between these two processes reflects the distinction
between notitia and assensus. Just as the gospel can
only take place as word (1:5), so can it only be accepted
(paralambanein). The difference from the other Pauline letters
is clear. In contrast to 2 Cor 10:13f,; Rom 10:14ff,; 2 Cor
2:14-16; 4:3f, the fact that Paul has arrived in Thessalonia with
the gospel is not an eschatological event. On the basis of the understanding
of the gospel in 1 Thess, an understanding of Paul's missionary
activity like that which finds expression in Rom 15:19ff. is impossible.
That means, however, that the qualitative leap that lies between this
letter and the other Pauline letters relates not only to the understanding
of Christian existence, the spirit, and the Christian proclamation,
but also to the understanding of the apostolic mission as an eschatological
event. When one considers this consequence, it must be regarded as
very improbable that we have to do here with an early stage of Pauline
thought. More probable is that the understanding of mission perceived
in Rom 15 already accompanied the independent initiative from Antioch.
With this we have an initial perspective for deciding whether we
have before us in such passages derives from an early stage of Paul's
thought (cf. 2.7.2) or should be attributed to an entirely different
writer (cf. 2.7.3).
3.2.2 The preceding interpretation of the understanding
of the word seems to contradict 2:13c, in so far as the word is spoken
of there as being at work in the faithful. But neither the coming
of the word nor its reception is understood as an eschatological event;
rather it shows itself to be active as the word of God in the experience
of suffering and the conduct of the faithful (2:14). This is illuminated
by the fact that in 1:3 faith and love and hope are not understood
in themselves as eschatological gifts of God; essential rather is
the "work of faith," the "labor of love," and
"patience in hope," i.e., the modes of their realization.34
This formulation should be understood to mean that faith, love and
hope are seen as forces for the establishment of the faithful: faith
leads to works (even preaching), love leads to labor (in service of
one's neighbor), and hope leads to patience (in suffering). In so
far as these forces appear in works, labor and patience, the word
of God is at work in the faithful. In contrast to this, in 5:8 faith,
hope and love are themselves understood as the equipment of God given
to Christians. How little the activity of God stands in the foreground
in 1:3 is shown by the fact that the writer does not give thanks to
God for the gifts of God to the community, but rather recollects before
God their work of faith, their labor of love and their hopeful patience.
That this insistence of the consequences and the realization of faith,
love and hope represents an early stage of Pauline thinking is scarcely
probable. Much more probable is that this thinking belongs to a time
in which the battle about the truth of faith (Paul has at least
the events in view in Gal 2:11-14 behind him) has been decided and
the actualization of faith and the proclamation appears as the decisive
problem.35
Thereby emerges a second perspective for deciding whether such material
derives from an early Pauline stage (2.7.2) or represents the work
of a later writer (2.7.3).
3.2.3 I return to the transition from 2:13 to 2:14.
Why does the working of the word manifest itself in the suffering
and conduct of the faithful? The answer can only be surmised from
the presuppositions made by the text. I suspect the following. If
God's word calls believers into his kingdom and glory (2:12) and thereby
on the way to holiness (4:7), this way could very well include suffering;
and this is in fact confirmed by 3:3.36
The experience of suffering confirms election (1:4; cf. 2 Th 1:5)
to the way determined by God into his kingdom.37
The word is at work in the faithful in that it actually brings about
the previously announced way (cf. 3:4).
The communities in Judea are referred to as an example for this way
and this election. The community of destiny with them is carefully
(almost artificially) grounded in 2.14b. For this reason, the point
in 2:14 cannot be the idea from 1 Peter 5:9. The effect of 2:14b
is twofold. On the one hand, by means of the example of the Judean
communities the suffering of the addressees is linked with the destiny
of the Lord (2:15). In the same way, the apostle also mediates with
the Lord in 1:6. On the other hand, through v. 14 not only do the
communities in Judea become an example for all Christians, but the
Jews are set forth as an example for all persecutors. Verse 14b would
have no point without vv. 15f. On this basis, it becomes understandable
why this statement is extended to include the mention of judgment.
The viewpoint that—apart from the traditional phrases employed to
carry it out38—extends
the thought is that the righteous judgment of God over the example
of oppressors, the Jews, has been fulfilled, which signifies comfort
for everyone who, following the example of the suffering Judean communities,
are still being persecuted. Their oppression will also bring forth
judgment. We have to do, therefore, with an application of the idea
with a contemporary event in view, that is also generally addressed
in 2 Thess.
With reference to the question whether an early stage of Pauline
thinking is present here or a post-apostolic train of thought, one
would have to decide as follows:
The idea that suffering is a sign of election, but for the adversary
a sign of destruction, is expressed by Paul in a similar way in Phil
1:28f. But the artificial way in which in v. 14 the suffering of the
addressees is linked with the suffering of the Lord can hardly be
reclaimed for an early stage of Pauline theology, for it exhibits
a superficiality that is more like the time of Acts. It is most simple,
then, in comparison with Lk 21:22-24, to relate v. 16 to the destruction
of Jerusalem. The post-apostolic author would then comfort persecuted
gentile Christians (v. 14b) precisely by affirming that the hoped
for retribution (2 Thess 1:6, 8f.) has already been carried out on
the prototype of persecutors, the Jews.
3.3 I will now look at 2:1-12 as an elaboration
of 1:5f. The two stereotypical phrases egenêthêmen (1:5; 2:5,
7, 10) and kathôs (kathaper) oidate (1:5; 2:2,
2, 3, 11) are remarkable in their combination. Perhaps most
remarkable is the varying repetition in 3:4 (kathôs kai egeneto
kai oidate; see below). The stereotypical character of the appeal
to the knowledge of the community makes clear that the appeal is not
to their own knowledge against actual or feared insinuations, but
that the community is presented as a witness for what is said. Thus,
the introduction to the summary39
expressly affirms: "You are witnesses, and God..." (v. 10).
The formulation is surprising in two ways. First of all, because of
the connection, for only if it concerns a situation which the recipient
can not know or evaluate from his own experience is an appeal
to God meaningful (cf. Rom 1:9; Phil 1:8; 2 Cor 1:23)—so the appeal
to God in 2:5b, for example, would be appropriate (but cf. 2:5a).
The second surprise in v. 10a, which is confirmed by 2:5b, is the
fact that a reference back to the sender (God is my witness,
namely before you), as this appears in the Pauline passages
referred to, is missing here in both cases. The undirected
association of the community and God in v. 10a—it does not mean at
all: God is my witness and yourselves!—is only meaningful if
the intended addressees of this self-presentation are not those spoken
to, but some third party. Neither is the community appealed to
on the basis of its own knowledge, nor is God called upon as
witness to the community. Here we see the deficiency of correspondence
style in this passage, which cannot be satisfactorily explained at
all by recurrence to a concrete situation, or to a traditional apologetic
formula employed by Paul. The formulation only becomes understandable
when what is said is directed outward, and with an appeal to the community
and so also God, Paul is held up as an ideal model for holiness,
righteousness, and blamelessness (2:10; cf. 1:5b and 6a).
3.4 The same state of affairs can be seen in 1 Thess
3:4. When one observes that 3:5a takes up v. 1 anew, and that
the purpose of the sending of Timothy is described two times, in v.
2b and v. 5b, the suspicion that a doublet is present here should
be discussed very seriously.40
Since the motivation of the sending in v. 5b fully corresponds with
the description of the situation in 2:17-20 and the outcome in 3:6-8,
and the statement of purpose in v. 2bf, on the other hand, is surprising
in this context, the most simple solution is still that in vv. 2b-5a
not only a digression but also an insertion is present.
At the same time, it is striking that the task of Timothy is described
in the same way as the task of an apostolic interim visit in Acts
14:22 and 15:32 (to be sure, there with epistêrizein; cf. 15:41;
18:23; Lk 22:32). While one still might regard the combination of
agreement and divergence in subject matter and terminology between
v. 2bf and Acts 14:22 as an indication of "how Paul avails himself
of missionary language in 1 Thess,"41
in my opinion v. 4 clearly excludes this explanation. For v. 4 grounds
the eschatological knowledge of the community in an apostolic prophecy
whose actual fulfillment must be confirmed by the community. The difficulties
that the kai oidate at the end of v. 4 would make in a real
correspondence with a persecuted community led von Hoffmann and von
Dobschütz to propose that vv. 3f. speak not about the suffering of
the community, but the suffering of the apostle. Given the context,
however, that is a desperate explanation. The knowledge of the community
confirms the reality of the fulfillment of apostolic prophecy here,
and the holy conduct of the apostle in 2:1-12. In this way the authority
of the apostle (cf. 2:13; 4:8, 18) is underlined.
Considering all the peculiarities in 3:2b-5a together—the difficult
position in the present context; the agreement with Acts 14:22; the
role of the apostle as prophet (cf. Acts 20:29f.; Jud 17f.; 2 Pet
3:2); and the concern with the fulfillment of his prediction—the most
probable explanation is that we have to do here with a post-apostolic
gloss. In this case, however, we should assume that a post-apostolic
writer has set forth his own self-understanding and intention in the
new designation of Timothy's task. He wants to strengthen and exhort
the church in its suffering by referring back to apostolic teaching
(cf. 4:1f, 11, 18)42
and emphasizing the reliability of the apostle by appeal to the testimony
of the church (kai oidate).
3.5 Summary.
The possibility that the letter derives from an early stage of Pauline
thought arises primarily in view of the understanding of suffering
(3.2.3 above). But the association of suffering with the suffering
of the Lord (2:14b-15a) and the reference to the fulfillment of apostolic
prophecy (3:4) makes this possibility improbable in this point as
well.
The fact that the understanding of the word in this letter provides
no rudiments of the eschatological understanding of the Pauline mission
(3.2.1) makes an early Pauline composition very improbable.
Against a Pauline origin speaks the qualification of the connection
between word and faith through the idea of imitation (3.1) as well
as the exclusive interest in the operation and actualization of faith
(3.2.2). Summoning forth the witness of the community serves these
interests as well (3.3).
4. Conclusion
TAKING UP what was said in 2.7.3 regarding the
ascription of this letter to someone other than Paul, the following
hypotheses can now be discussed:
The difficulties in the structure of 1 Thess and the tensions in
its terminology and theology, which sometimes resemble the other Pauline
letters and other times the work of Luke, can be attributed to the
fact that a post-apostolic author created this writing using (parts
of) an authentic Pauline letter. In this process, he shaped above
all the beginning (1:2-2:16), the middle (3:12-4:8), and the conclusion
(5:23-27), thus creating a two-part writing that in the first part
(1:2-3:13) presents the apostle, witnessed to by the church, as the
true example and teacher for imitation by the faithful, and in the
second part (4:1-5:28) provides guidance for faithful perseverance
in holiness by raising up the apostolic tradition.
A precise determination of the parts of the authentic Pauline writing
must begin with 2:17-3:2a, 5b-11; 4:9, 10a, 13-17; 5:1-22. Thereby,
modifications within43
and without these sections must be taken into account.
First of all, however, beginning with the hypothesis now in view,
the tradition-historical location of the post-apostolic author must
be investigated anew, especially in relation to the work of Luke,
and the connection between 1 and 2 Thess.44
Basic Works Referred to in Text
Dibelius, Martin. An die Thessalonicher I, II, HNT 11
(Tübingen: J. C . B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 21923).
Eckart, K. G. ("Brief"). "Der Zweite echte Brief
des Apostels Paulus an die Thessalonicher," ZThK (1961),
30-44.
Kümmel, W. G. "Das literarische und geschichtliche Problem
des ersten Thessalonicherbriefes," in Neotestamentica et Patristica.
Freundesgabe O. Cillman zum 60. Geburtstag überreicht, NovTest
Suppl. 6 (Leiden, 1962), 213-227.
Rigaux, B. Les èpitres aux Thessaloniciens (Paris,
1956).
Schmithals, Walter ("Brief"). "Die Thessalonicherbriefe
als Briefkompositionen," Zein und Geschichte. Dankesgabe an
R. Bultmann zum 80. Geburtstag (Tübingen, 1964), 296-315.
Schmithals, Walter ("Situation"). "Die historische
Situation der Thessalonicherbriefe," in Paulus und der Gnostiker
(Hamburg, 1965), 89-157 (ET = Paul and the Gnostics [Nashville:
Abingdon, 1972], 128-218).
Trilling, W. Untersuchungen zum 2. Thessalonicherbrief
(Leipzig, 1972).
Notes
1 K.
G. Eckart, "Der zweite echte Brief des Apostels Paulus an die
Thessalonicher," ZThK (1961), 30-44.
2 W. G.
Kümmel, "Das literarische und geschichtliche Problem des ersten
Thessalonicherbriefes," in Neotestamentica et Patristica,
Freundesgabe O. Cullman zum 60.
Geburtstag überreicht," NovTest Suppl. VI, Leiden,
1962, 213-227.
3 Ibid.,
225.
4 W. Schmithals,
"Die Thessalonicherbriefe als Briefkompositionen," in Zeit
und Geschichte. Dankesgabe an R.
Bultmann zum 80. Geburtstag (Tübingen,
1964), 296-315; also idem, "Die historische Situation der Thessalonicherbriefe,"
in Paulus und die Gnostiker (Hamburg,
1965), 89-157 (=Paul and the Gnostics
[Nashville: Abingdon, 1972], 128-218).
5 "With
regard to form as well as content, we obviously have to do
with an epistolary conclusion" (p. 35; my emphasis). In the exegetical
literature, the "obviously" can be regarded as an indication
the writer lacks any convincing grounds.
6 I offer
only a selection of the necessary criticism. In so far as Schmithals'
s partition hypothesis extends to 2 Thess, I pass it by, since in
this respect, which for the sake of saving space cannot be elaborated
here, it is less discussible.
7 This
description is more precise than Schmithals' "intercessory prayer"
(Fürbitte).
8 When
Schmithals suggests ("Situation," 93) it is "hardly
an oversight" that Kümmel does not attempt to refute Eckart's
claim that 3:11-13 is an epistolary conclusion it must be replied
that it is scarcely an oversight when Schmithals does not discuss
the formal and material closeness of the passage to the conclusion
of the proemium in 1 Cor 1 and Phil 1.
9 An intercessory
prayer (Fürbitte) is entirely absent, as we have seen.
10 "Situation,"
145, n. 258. It is clear that this observation both creates difficulties
for his chronological ordering of the four Thessalonian letters and
speaks against the denial of literary dependence of one letter upon
the other.
11 It
would be very interesting to compare these passages more precisely
with one another, but this will be left alone here.
12 That
Schmithals also advances the announcement of an early visit as an
indication of a conclusion shows that he does not perceive 3:11 as
a prayerful request, and in this regard thus distinguishes it from
all other passages he identifies.
13 Kümmel,
"Problem," 216f.
14 Ibid.,
216, n. 5 and 217, n. 1. A methodological critique, that would also
have to include the history of research concerning this question,
would require its own essay. With regard to Kümmel's discussion, only
the most elementary point can be mentioned. For discussion of the
question of authenticity as such, determinations that a word or expression,
when compared with other New Testament writings, only appears
in Paul's writings are only worth the effort when one presupposes
that the "inauthentic" author must be the writer of one
of the other New Testament writings or at least stands in their linguistic
tradition. What unites Paul with his world can appear in the concordance
as "typically Pauline." There should at least be clarity
about this point.
15 The
further observations presented below in fact exclude this possibility.
16 See
Dibelius, HNT 11 (Tübingen, 21923) regarding 3:13; and
Bornemann, Meyer Kommentar 10 (Göttingen, 1894), 292.
17 Les
èpitres aux Thessaloniciens, Paris 1956, 600f.
18 In
contrast to this triple use of hagiasmos (cf. 2 Th 2:13), there
are for Paul two possibly comparable passages in Rom 6:19, 22 and
a christological use in 1 Cor 1:30.
19 Dibelius,
p. 26: "Getreu ist, der euch berufen hat..."
20 We
are only concerned here with passages in which kalein has a
personal object.
21 Thessaloniciens,
434.
22 With
regard to this difficulty, see H. Schlier, Bibel und
Leben (1962), 21, n. 8, also an attempt to exhibit a development
to the later Pauline letters.
23 One
cannot summarize this circumstance as a dialectic of "salvation
possession" and "salvation expectation," whereby Paul
gives priority now to one and now the other (see v. Dobschütz, Die
Thessalonicherbriefe, Meyer Kommentar [Göttingen, 1909], 81f.).
24 Schlier,
16.
25 A
reference to dechesthai ton logon appears only in these two
passages in the Pauline writings. On the other hand, one finds the
phrase in the Lukan writings: Acts 8:14; 11:1; 17:11; Lk 8:13 (cf.
this verse closely with 1 Th 1:6). Schlier (22) again sees in this
a sign of the "missionary and community language" from which
Paul comes. If one observes, however, that in 2 Cor 11:4 Paul employs
the verb in a comparable context in a way clearly different from this
use of language, that in the two passages in our letter the idea of
imitation is also connected, that the entire phrase is only found
in Lukan writings in the NT (perhaps Jms 1:21 as well, but improbable
because the verb has a different meaning there), one will not be able
to appeal to a general "community and missionary language."
26 In
this regard, see, e.g., A. Schulz, Nachfolgen und Nachahmen
(Munich, 1962), 286ff., 314ff. In view of the idea of imitation, Schulz
identifies these passages as a "noteworthy exception" in
the Pauline literature.
27 Schlier,
21f.
28 With
regard to the NT as such, see Blass-Debrunner § 78. Cf. also 3.4.
below in this article.
29 Schlier
(21, n. 10) denies that these passages can be compared and refers
rather to the "signs of the apostle" (Rom 15:18f.; 2 Cor
12:12, etc.); also Schmithals, "Situation," 101ff. If one
does not pass over vv. 5b, 6a (as Schmithals, 102, with n. 55; Schlier
also does not closely connect the idea with these elaborations), however,
it is then clear what the author perceives as the power of the spirit
accompanying the Word, namely, the example of the apostle, as unfolded
in 2:1-12. On this basis the translation of plêroforia
must be decided (contra Schlier and Schmithals). If the formula from
the signs of the apostle stands in the background, the ease with which
this matter is related to "religious-ethical" circumstances
is certainly not probable for an early stage of Paul.
30 E.
Fuchs ("Hermeneutik?," Theol. Viat. (1960),
47; = Glaube und Erfahrung (Tübingen, 1965),
120) demurred on formal grounds at perceiving the verse as a doublet
to 5:11. There is, however, also a difference in content between the
two verses. While 5:11 shows some confidence in the spiritual strength
of the Thessalonians, which coheres with the reference to having been
taught by God in 4:9 and the exhortation to independent testing in
5:19-22, 4:18 as also 4:8 emphasizes the authoritative element of
the apostle's word.
31 The
letter proceeds here entirely in conformity with the direction W.
Trilling has set forth for 2 Thess (Untersuchungen zum
2. Thessalonicherbrief [Leipzig 1972], 100).
32 So
C. Clemen, Die Einheitlichkeit der paulinischen
Briefe (Leipzig, 1894), p. 15, regarding 1 Thess 1:6.
33 Rigaux,
439 and 381.
34 See
E. Fuchs, GPM (1963-64)), 14. "Sonntag nach Trinitatis
(zu 1 Thess 1:2-10)."
35 This
insistence on actualization is emphatically expressed in the formal
exhortation perisseuête mallon (4:1, 10b; cf. in contrast the
prayer, e.g., in Phil 1:9f.).
36 Cf.
2 Thess 1:5 and above all Acts 14:22; see below under 3.4.
37 E.
Bammel ("Judenverfolgung und Naherwartung," ZThK,
1959, 294ff.) well recognized the "martyr theology" of the
letter, even if his historical reconstruction must be rejected.
38 See
O. H. Steck, Israel und das gewaltsame
Geschicht der Propheten (Neukirchen 1967), 274f.
Steck's proposal to interpret v 16c in terms of Mk 12:9, because of
the tradition-historical posing of the question, does not take into
account the function that v. 16 has in context.
39 Schmithals
remarks concerning 2:10-12, with regard to the reconstruction of the
situation: "Paul concludes with a pastoral word" (Paulus
und die Gnostiker, 109). Thereby neither the
style not the function of the verse is apprehended. As a summary,
it sets forth what is decisive for the writer.
40 See
C. Clemen, Einheitlichkeit, 16. J. Weiss (Das Urchristentum,
Göttingen, 1917, 221, n. 2) would like to explain v. 5 as a personal
gloss on 3:1 by Paul. Eckart (n. 2 above) regards v. 5 as a gloss
that unites parts of two different Pauline letters. Schmithals (Paulus
und die Gnostiker, 130) traces the double motivation
for the sending of Timothy back to a double concern of Paul (the threat
of persecution, but along with this a decisive concern about false
teaching).
41 Schlier,
Bibel und Leben (1962), 178, n. 9.
42 With
regard to this motif in 2 Thess, see W. Trilling, 2 Thessalonicherbrief,
96f. and 115-118.
43 Thus,
the difficulties presented by 5:14 over against 5:12f could be attributed
to the fact that the post-Pauline writer through an insertion or modification
in v. 14 and v. 15 and vv. 26f. (not only v. 27, but also v. 26 differentiates
those spoken to and "all the brethren") focussed the conclusion
of the letter particularly on the "those who are in charge"
(v. 12).
44 W.
Trilling has newly rejected the assumption that 1 Thess could have
had 2 Thess as a source as "exceedingly fantastic" (2
Thessalonicherbrief, 156, n. 78; cf. also 33ff.), apparently because
he regards (in my opinion unnecessarily) the literary dependence of
2 Thess on 1 Thess as "the most certain starting point for the
assumption of inauthenticity" (157). That the relatively well
ordered second letter is the result of using the first letter, with
its puzzling organization, is in any case not very illuminating. With
regard to the understanding of the "gospel" (110, with n.
4), the authoritative elements (115-118), and the idea of imitation
(118-120), Trilling's description of the theology of 2 Thess corresponds
remarkably with the theology in the passages from 1 Thess identified
above as post-apostolic.